Journal of Politics and Governance

How Has Sports Diplomacy Contributed to The Growth of Soft Power and Nation-Branding in Qatar ?

Ali Al-Muhannadi — 2024-09-30

Sports diplomacy and soft power has contributed to national branding in Qatar. This paper sought to explore the contributions of sports diplomacy to national branding and soft power in Qatar through qualitative methods, where respondents were recruited purposively. The sample size for this study was seven participants drawn from various sectors and positions in Qatar. Data were collected using interviews and analyzed thematically. Therefore, to realize this aim, the research was anchored on the fundamental questions of using sports diplomacy to achieve national branding, soft power, and promotes human rights. The study further examined criticisms against Qatar during the FIFA World Cup. The research relied on qualitative methods, where respondents were recruited purposively. The sample size for this study was seven participants drawn from various sectors and positions in Qatar. Data were collected using interviews and analyzed thematically. Key findings outlined that sports diplomacy enhances Qatar's attractiveness and image within the global community context. Sports highlight a nation's culture, identity, and ranking internationally. Through sports mega-events like the FIFA World Cup, Qatar has promoted its cohesion, integration, interaction, and togetherness with other countries globally. Sports diplomacy in Qatar has significantly contributed to realizing social, political, and economic ties with the global system. Sports mega-events like the FIFA World Cup influence diplomatic and soft power exercise through greater international visibility. Qatar was able to project its image as a developed, peaceful, and largely stable country in the Middle East region.

Political Party Affiliation and Preference of Television Stations in Edo State, Nigeria

Jammy Guanah — 2024-09-30

The roles of the mass media in the governance of any nation cannot be overstressed. As a result, they are integral parts of any political system, or political process. They help in shaping the perception of voters during election, among other functions. In view of this, this work sought to establish whether political party affiliation influences politicians’ preference for certain television stations in Edo State, Nigeria, to others. It adopted the Agenda Setting and Uses and Gratification Theories, and was guided by three research objectives. The study adopted the mixed method of data gathering due to its nature. It found, among others, that political party members prefer a particular television station to others mainly because it satisfies their political information needs, and because of their political affiliation to such stations. It also revealed that political party members still watch other TV stations, aside those owned or controlled by the political parties they belong to, because of the satisfaction they derive from the exposure. In view of the findings, it was recommended that political party members should watch other Television stations, apart from those that are sympathetic to their political parties, to have balanced information; and that similar study should be extended to other parts of Nigeria, to see if similar results would be got.

Legislative-Executive Relations in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: A Review

Timothy Onimisi — 2024-09-30

This paper examines legislative-executive relations in Nigeria’s fourth republic and provides meaningful suggestions that will assist in strengthening the relationship that will, in turn, ensure good governance and promote democratic tenets in the country. The data for the study were collected using secondary sources. Secondary sources comprise of a comprehensive review of the literature (books, journal, publications of governments and non-governmental bodies). It finds out that the nature of the relations between the legislative and executive arms of government is complex but vital lessons can be drawn from these relationships. Thus, the paper recommends that continuous dialogues are the key to cordial relations and that the principles of separation of power should be respected in the dealing of both the legislative and executive arms of government as this is an important and guaranteed way of ensuring and promoting cordial legislative-executive relations.

Protecting Children's Privacy: Legal Strategies to Limit Sharenting in Thailand

Wasin Yimyam — 2024-09-30

The rise of social media has led to the phenomenon of "sharenting" - parents sharing extensive personal information and pictures of their children online. While this practice is well-intentioned, it raises significant privacy concerns for children whose personal information is published without their consent. Thailand, where social media usage is very high, but data protection laws are still emerging, is an example of the challenges of protecting children's online privacy. This study analyzes the Thai legal framework for the protection of children's personal data, particularly about sharenting and the "right to be forgotten" under the Thai Data Protection Act (PDPA). Through a comparative analysis of data protection regimes in the United States and the European Union, gaps in Thai laws are highlighted. The study highlights the urgent need for Thailand to clarify the policies and procedures that allow children to request the deletion of their data shared online by their parents. It suggests possible changes to existing child protection and privacy laws to better define the boundaries for parental sharing of children's information. It also recommends raising parental awareness and creating mechanisms for children to exercise their privacy rights. In light of growing concerns about digital privacy, this study highlights the importance of continuously reviewing and strengthening legal protections for the most vulnerable members of society.

The State Nationalism vs Liberal Nationalism in Thailand and Myanmar: Focusing on the National Revolution Traits in the Process of Nation State Building

Park Eun-Hong — 2024-09-30

This paper intends to verify with the cases of Thailand and Burma that national unity is not the background condition for democratization based on liberal nationalism, but that democratization after critical decision and habituation phases is the background condition for national unity through reconciliation putting an end to a ‘prolonged and inconclusive political struggle’. Thai society has never had a history of overcoming state nationalism adhering to the trinity of ‘Nation, Religion, and King’. Democratization as civil revolution in Thailand was bounded by “Democracy with the King as Head of State”, and there was no prototype civil revolution beyond the royalism unlike in Europe, at least before the aftermath of 2006 coup that turned over the Thaksin regime. The coup after democratization triggered intensive struggles between typical civil revolutionary forces based on liberalism and pro—official nationalism based on statism. The ‘yellow-red standoff’ since 2006 can be interpreted as the starting point of a ‘prolonged and inconclusive political struggle’ between state-national forces and liberal- national forces. The 2010 May civil war and the 2014 May coup exposed an aspect of intensive political struggles between the two forces. In Burma the prototype of civil revolution broke up in Burma in 1974, 1988, and 2007, even though all ended in a failure. The Burma case proves that the political conflicts between official-state nationalists and civil-liberal nationalists may not settle down easily, as it shows the 2021 February coup. The ongoing civil war in Burma is revealing atrocities of official—state nationalists. In sum, the cases of Thailand and Myanmar suggest that genuine national unity is not possible without reconciliation after passing through intensive struggles between official-state nationalists and civil—liberal nationalist.